
The Glory of Kings: A Festschrift for James B. Jordan

Fyodor Dostoevsky
(Christian Encounters Series)

Athanasius
(Foundations of Theological Exegesis and Christian Spirituality)

The Four: A Survey of the Gospels

Defending Constantine: The Twilight of an Empire and the Dawn of Christendom

From Behind the Veil: The Epistles of John

Deep Exegesis:The Mystery of Reading Scripture

1 & 2 Kings
Brazos Theological Commentary

The Promise Of His Appearing: An Exposition Of Second Peter

A Great Mystery: Fourteen Wedding Sermons

Deep Comedy: Trinity, Tragedy, And Hope In Western Literature

Miniatures & Morals: The Christian Novels of Jane Austen

The Priesthood of the Plebs: A Theology of Baptism

A Son To Me: An Exposition of 1 & 2 Samuel

From Silence to Song: The Davidic Liturgical Revolution

Ascent to Love: A Guide to Dante's Divine Comedy

Blessed Are the Hungry: Meditations on the Lord's Supper

A House For My Name: A Survey of the Old Testament

Heroes of the City of Man: A Christian Guide to Select Ancient Literature

Brightest Heaven of Invention: A Christian Guide To Six Shakespeare Plays

Wise Words: Family Stories That Bring the Proverbs to Life

The Kingdom and the Power: Rediscovering the Centrality of the Church
Back in 1975, Richard Neuhaus wrote in Time Toward Home that “America is an imperial power,” elaborating that “Suppose we could drop from our history all our self-images, ideals, notions of destiny and everything else that makes up what we have called America’s public piety. America would still be an imperial power. In any conceivable scenario short of nuclear annihilation, the United States will for the foreseeable future be among the strongest, maybe the strongest, power on earth. The ways in which American influences are, for better and for worse, inextricably intertwined with the policies, aspirations and fears of other peoples defy enumeration.” America’s imperial status is a fact like “the fact that Saudi Arabia has more oil than Japan.” One might wish things were different, but “it is a factor to be taken into account.”
This power itself forces Americans to ask questions about the meaning of America. Power is never self-legitimating, and the scramble for self-definition is an effort prove that we have “some right” to the power we have. That lends an earnestness to the American character that other, less powerful nations can happily avoid: “A citizen of Denmark need not be troubled by the questions that trouble us. He probably has no illusions that Denmark is in the vanguard of history, and, if he does, they are harmless illusions that do not impinge upon the rest of the world. He does not have to fret about the ways in which Danish military, political, economic and cultural influences change the lives of other, for better and for worse.”
For his own part, Neuhaus insists that America, even as an imperial power, must define its role in the world in terms of the lines from Emma Lazarus inscribed on the Statue of Liberty (“Give me your tired. . . .”). America cannot define its national interest without taking “into account the interests of the rest of the world, especially of the world’s poor and oppressed.” The then-popular “Kissinger version of realpolitik, with its casual indifference to the majority of the world that is poor, violates fundamental tenets of the American public piety.”
posted by Peter J. Leithart on Wednesday, June 22, 2011 at 8:29 am
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